Wednesday 29 January 2014

TREASON AS AN OFFENCE UNDER THE LAWS OF SOUTH SUDAN: The Case of Dr. Riek Machar & Others


 


I know many people are still cursing and celebrating the TREASON charges preferred against Dr. Machar, and the so-called "group A" of political detainees....Let me break down what TREASON means under the laws of South Sudan, and why "treason charges against Machar and group A." Article 4(2) of the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan (2011) stipulates that " Any person or group of persons who attempts to overthrow the constitutional government, or suspend or abrogate this Constitution commits treason. In the same breadth, Section 64 (1) of THE PENAL CODE ACT, 2008 declares that "Whoever being a citizen of or a resident in Southern Sudan—does any act, whether inside or outside Southern Sudan,
with the intent of overthrowing the Government; or incites, conspires with or assists any other person to do any act, whether inside or outside Southern Sudan, with the intent of overthrowing the Government, commits the offence of treason, and upon conviction, shall be sentenced to death or to life imprisonment."
Furthermore, such acts as preparing or endeavoring to carry out by force any
enterprise which usurps the executive power of the President or the Government in any matter;in time of war or during a period of public emergency, doing any thing which assists any other State to engage in hostile or belligerent action against Southern Sudan; orinstigating any other State or foreign person to invade Southern Sudan, amounts to treason as per subsection 2 of Section 64 of the Penal Code.
It is an open secret that Machar, Taban Deng Gai and Lado Gore had direct links with the armed rebellion against the government...or what Machar would call "a move by President Salva Kiir and his allies to silence opposition within the country’s ruling party (SPLM) leadership." According to the Deputy Minister of Justice who also serves as the chief prosecutor in this case, Paulino Wanawilla Onango, “These people have a case to answer before the court for planning and carrying out the coup."
What remains a close secret, however, is what the other group of four political detainees, comprising of Pagan Amum, Majak D’Agoot, Oyai Deng Ajak and Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth, did to warrant their treason charges....the government is yet to come clean on this group's alleged role in the "coup." A wise guess in this predictable government's card would be their role in planning to “mobilise the public to bring down the democratically elected government” since this was the preferred ground to indict the released seven political prisoners....but for their luck, or any other reason the government might have, the deputy Minister of justice says they could not gather enough evidence to prosecute them.....maybe the government does have enough evidence against the four or maybe not....the time will tell.
On the other hand, a friend of mind asked me if President Kiir should be charged for treason since treason is categorized under "Crimes against South Sudan" under the Penal code for allegedly instigating any other State or foreign person (in this case Uganda and UPDF) to invade Southern Sudan.....well I won't venture into that debate right now.....But he does have a point. The government has to come clean on the Military role of Uganda in South Sudan....
But what is curious though is the government's apparent role as the complainant, prosecutor and a judge, all in one. This is illustrated by Minister Wanawilla's comments, in reference to the release of the other detainees, that “Because we did not have enough evidence to prosecute these people, we are going to release them on bail,” who is releasing who on bail? This statement indicates that it is the government who made the bail application. considered it and made a final decision on it.....never mind the Constitutional role of the Courts or the Judiciary of South Sudan and the Cardinal principle of due process in the legal jurisprudence.... This is a classic attack on due process and a mockery of independent institutions like the judiciary.
But let's face it....treasonable offenses were committed by the rebels....the government has a share of blame in this crisis....we have a country that's both politically and ethnically divided (Equestrians should not also lie that they are cool with the current arrangements....they are yet to come clean with their demands for absolute federalism in South Sudan and this is another potential crisis)....the country is in a dire need of reconciliation and sustainable peace...which should be the firts priority of the government at this point. This means seeking a sustainable political solution to the current problem...addressing all the pertinent socioeconomic concerns of all South Sudanese irrespective of their tribe or creed, making a progressive constitution that will incorporate these concerns and curb executive and other political and military excesses_ this will include moving away from individualized style of governance to institutional governance. In so doing, the peoples views must be sought and incorporated in order for the country to move forward.
The current Hullabaloos are not helping at all...we need to close this chapter....make the individuals (both in the government and on the rebels side) who committed the atrocities pay for their crimes....to ensure justice for the victims.....make this process devoid of political maneuvers and elimination of perceived political competitors. Make it a clean judicial process. If there is enough evidence for treason charges then let the court do its job in an independent and impartial manner.

Wednesday 20 November 2013

THE LAW DOES NOT ALLOW YOU TO DISSOLVE YOUR PARTY STRUCTURES MR PRESIDENT!



"I want to say something about our structures. SPLM structures are not functioning. And we must accept that. We were supposed to hold the convention in May this year. Was it not the end of the 5 years? Do you think that today the structures still have the legitimacy to continue functioning? No, SPLM has dissolved itself alone. Only office of the chairman is the one not dissolved, nobody can dissolve it. Now I have all the powers to set up a committee to start reorganization from the grass root. When we talk about the National Liberation Council, or we talk about the Political Bureau, all these things are outdated. Even you in the secretariat; but now you the secretariat are caretakers to continue the duty of SPLM until when you are replaced or until when you are reappointed.

These were the words attributed to the SPLM’s Chairman and the President of the Republic of South Sudan, Salva Kiir Mayardit, during the opening of the SPLM leadership house in the capital, Juba on Friday 15, 2013. The comment sparked, and rightly so, widespread speculation, from all the media outlets including all the Facebook groups I am a member of, that the President has dissolved all the governing and subordinate structures of the ruling party, including the party’s highest executive organ, Political Bureau (PB) as well as the National Liberation Council (NLC). A friend of mine called me to ask if the Chairman had powers, let me not use “powers” because it’s become a tyrannical word these days; he was asking me if the Chairman’s [attempted] move was legitimate as per the Party’s Constitution (2008 edition, which is the latest). So this article serves as a response to my good friend, and all those who might be wondering about the legitimacy, or lack thereof, of Chairman’s imminent move.

Before going into the details of the constitutionality of Chairman’s move, if it officially happens (because it hasn’t), I want to confirm that the Chairman meant what he said and he is going to dissolve the Party structures. As the old saying goes; there can never be a smoke without fire, the dissolution is real, whether it is constitutional or not is another inquiry.
On the constitutionality of the anticipated dissolution, I have endeavored to diligently peruse the provisions of the SPLM Constitution (2008). Having done so, it became apparent, to me, that the Chairman had no legal basis for his words, and will have none if he actualizes them. As a matter of law, there is no single provision of the party’s constitution (SPLM Constitution, 2008) that grants authority to the chairman to dissolve the structures of governance of the ruling party. His functions and duties are contained in article 25 (1), and includes the Chairman’s authority to;
a) Nominate three candidates for the positions of Deputies of the Chairperson for endorsement by the NLC.
b) Nominate members of the PB for approval by the NLC;
c) Nominate not more than three candidates for position of SG for election by the NLC;
d) Be the head of the SPLM and the Chairperson of the NC, NLC and PB;
e) Preside over the meetings of the NC, NLC, PB and the General Secretariat as the situation may require;
f) Ensure that the policies and programmes of the SPLM are correctly disseminated and implemented;
g) Supervise all the organs of the SPLM and ensure that they perform their functions and duties in an effective and efficient manner;
h) Present policy statement and any other relevant documents of the Party to the NC, NLC or the PB;
i) At his or her discretion, provisionally delegate any of his/her functions or duties to any SPLM organ or national officer;
j) Determine the order of precedence of his or her Deputies.
k) Perform any other functions as he or she deems necessary for the proper implementation of the Party’s policies and programs.

I will not be surprised if the Chairman and his legal team attempts to rely on sub-article 1(g) and (K), because these are the only two sub-articles that are subject to wider interpretation. His supervisory role puts him as the first person in first line of management, monitoring and regulating the organs of the Party. But does this authority extent to extermination of the party structures? My answer and that of logic would be a big NO. The party is not a private entity subject to private rules of supervision. It is governed by democratic rules of checks and balances. Any excess of authority is against every fibre of democracy.

In the same breadth, relying on sub-article (K) will even be worse than the last (g). It will be a total affront to the guiding principles of the party, which include a stipulation that a party be guided by democracy and political pluralism, prosperity, harmony and social cohesion (see article 5(1)); and, Participatory democracy, respect of democratic institutions, and collective leadership (article 5(7)). Thus, if the Chairman goes ahead and dissolve the party structures, he must know that he will be stifling the above principles, and fundamentally, violating the very Constitution he derives his powers from.

On the issue of whether the Party organs’ term of office has lapsed: I think the Chairman was being economical with the truth. The Party Constitution does not provide for any duration for holding the office (term of office) contrary to what the Chairman said above. Even if the Constitution did provide for this term of office, it would have been illogical to purport that the lapse of term of office would only apply to all the party structures but the office of the Chairman. The term of office of all office holders in the above structures including that of the Chairman ought to run concurrently; and the same ought to have been expressly provided by the drafters of the party constitution. Leaving any room for anyone to claim that “SPLM has dissolved itself alone…and that only office of the chairman is the one not dissolved, because nobody can dissolve it”, is tantamount to cultivating the seeds of tyrannical governance of our institutions……

I am fully aware that the Chairman is under political pressure. His 2015 re-election ambitions (as the President of the Republic) are under threat; and these threats stems from the same Party he heads. That should not be a license to circumvent democratic principles of governance and leadership. If he dissolves the Party structures, his actions will not only be politically wrong but will lack constitutional legitimacy. I know José Martí tells us that “The first duty of a man is to think for himself”, which the President is currently doing, but doing so when at the helm of leadership and at the expense of what is legally right and moral is an erasable betrayal of the values we dearly hold; that man shall lead with integrity and fidelity to the letter and spirit of the law.

We need not be so blind with “patriotism”, tribalism and nepotism that we can’t face the reality. Wrong is wrong, no matter who does it or says it!!!!








Saturday 2 November 2013

ESTABLISHMENT OF "THE OFFICIAL GOVERNMENT BULLETIN" BY THE MINISTRY OF INFORMATION AND BROADCASTING IS A STEP IN A RIGHT DIRECTION

I am quiet impressed by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting's move to establish an "official government bulletin"  Magazine. Access it at http://www.goss.org/. This move "semi-actualizes" the letter and spirit of Article 24 (1) of the Transitional Constitution which equivocally sates that "every citizen shall have the right to the freedom of expression, reception and dissemination of information, publication, and access to the press without prejudice to public order, safety or morals as prescribed by law," and, fundamentally, Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which provides that;

  1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.
  2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.
  3. The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph 2 of this article carries with it special duties and responsibilities. It may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary: (a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others; (b) For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or moral

I argue that the move semi-actualizes the above two authorities because it satisfies the 'provision of information' bid and neglects the cardinal principle of the freedom of expression which has been stifled in the Republic of South Sudan since independence.This is a topic for another day. But the major issue here is the obligation of the government to feed its citizenry with the information of what it does on a daily basis.

The right to freedom of information, and particularly the right of access to information held by public authorities, has attracted a great deal of attention recently. In the past five years, a record number of countries from around the world – including Fiji, India, Japan, South Africa, Trinidad and Tobago, the United Kingdom and a number of other European States – have taken steps to enact legislation giving effect to this right. In doing so, they join those countries which enacted such laws some time ago, such as Sweden, United
States, Finland, the Netherlands, Australia and Canada. Intergovernmental bodies have also started to devote more attention to this issue, with significant developments at the UN and Commonwealth.

The importance of freedom of information as a fundamental right is beyond question. In its very first session in 1946, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 59(I), stating, “Freedom of information is a fundamental human right and ... the touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is consecrated.” Abid Hussain, the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression, elaborated on this in his 1995 Report to the UN Commission on Human Rights, stating: Freedom will be bereft of all effectiveness if the people have no access to information. Access to information is basic to the democratic way of life. The tendency to withhold information from the people at large is therefore to be strongly checked." These quotations highlight the importance of freedom of information at a number of different levels: in itself, for the fulfilment of all other rights and as an underpinning of democracy.

It is perhaps as an underpinning of democracy that freedom of information is most important. Information held by public authorities is not acquired for the benefit of officials or politicians but for the public as a whole. Unless there are good reasons for withholding such information, everyone should be able to access it. More importantly, freedom of information is a key component of transparent and accountable government. It plays a key role in enabling citizens to see what is going on within government, and in exposing corruption and mismanagement. Open government is also essential if voters are to be able to assess the performance of elected officials and if individuals are to exercise their democratic rights effectively, for example through timely protests against new policies.

It is increasingly being recognised that states are under an obligation to take practical steps – including through legislation – to give effect to the right to freedom of information. It remains somewhat unclear, however, precisely what the basis of this obligation is. The jurisprudence, both at the international and national levels, has been somewhat equivocal, variously grounding the obligation in the right to freedom of expression, the right to private and family life or the right to freedom of thought.

As I argued in my previous articles, the fact that we are still a young nation should never act as a license of poor performance by the public authorities. But today I am impressed by Micheal Makuei Lueth and the Staffs in the Ministry he heads. The moment of pride came when I  read Makuei saying as folows"

"Dear reader
I am delighted to introduce the first edition of the Official Government Bulletin.
This is an extremely important publication designed to ensure the public enjoys ready access to key decisions made by both the President and Ministers. During this early period of nation building, it is essential that men and women across South Sudan understand what the Government is doing in their name. This process of engagement will help strengthen the foundations of democracy and the values of justice, liberty and prosperity we all hold dear.
The Government Bulletin is printed by The Government Printing Press. Coming at a time that we are revamping the government web-site and are looking at how the Media Laws might become operational, once fully enacted, all these measures stand as testimony to our determination to ensure that government communications are effective and coherent, that we have the means of becoming fully engaged with the public and responding to their information needs.
I acknowledge the commitment and support of the former Minister and Deputy Minister of Information & Broadcasting, colleagues and the Secretary General of the Government in initiating this project and to the Capacity Building Trust Fund (cbtf ) for its support.
We are also indebted to officials in the office of the President, the Ministries of Cabinet Affairs and Information & Broadcasting, the Public Information Centre, the Government Printing Press and indeed all Government Ministries and Institutions for collaborating in the production of this first edition of the Official Government Bulletin. We hope the Bulletin will prove informative and we look forward to receiving feedback"

Kudos to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting! Now the next stage in fulfillment of your obligation is fast tracking the media laws and protecting the freedom of expression.

Wednesday 28 August 2013

LEARN FROM HISTORY BEFORE YOU DISREGARD "SEPARATION OF POWERS"!


The Current regime in Juba needs to lean from the experiences of other democracies before it goes to the next phase of parliamentary intimidation and manipulation of judicial processes. In America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt enjoyed popular support when he crushed dour incumbent Herbert Hoover and carried the Democrats to a solid majority in Congress during the 1932 elections. Riding on this popular support, he  signed 15 major pieces of legislation designed to relieve the suffering of millions and extricate America from the Great Depression. This era was widely touted as "New Deal era".
But by 1936, the New Deal had begun to falter. Conservative businessmen, who found themselves heavily taxed and regulated by the new legislation, pushed a string of challenges to Roosevelt's programs through the courts. On January 6, the Supreme Court made a ruling that struck at the very heart of Roosevelt's reforms. FDR's response to the ruling would irreparably damage the New Deal.
In a six to three ruling, the court invalidated FDR's Agricultural Adjustment Act, which provided subsidies to farmers who decreased production of certain commodities. The Court ruled that the processing tax which funded the subsidies was unconstitutional, and that the states, not the federal government, had the power to regulate agriculture.
Roosevelt realized that if the court applied this states-rights reasoning across the board, the New Deal would crumble.
Infuriated by the Courts stance, Roosevelt decided to intimidate the Judiciary by launching in 1937 following is second term victory of 1936, with little or no warning, what would become known as his "court packing" plan. Citing the inability of the federal courts to deal with an overwhelming caseload, he proposed judicial reforms, including the addition of one justice to the Supreme Court for every one who did not retire by age 70-1/2, with a maximum five justices added.
His plan to influence the Court provoked outrage nationwide. Many perceived it as an attempt to rig the American judiciary system and give the executive branch almost dictatorial power. In a public speech in March, Roosevelt managed to turn American opinion his way, but when the Supreme Court reported that it had no problem keeping up with its caseload, support for his plan declined.
The attempt to influence the Supreme Court was one of the worst episodes of Roosevelt's presidential career. For the first time since his election, FDR had been publicly humiliated and utterly defeated -- in a battle he need not have fought.

Changing gears, the recent apparent intimidation of the Parliament in Juba (News has it that the President had threatened to dissolve the parliament if they don't approve his choice for VP position) would satisfy the short-term goals of the executive.....including rubber-stamping the appointment of Hon. J. Wani Igga as the Vice President and any other appointments the President is like to make in coming days that need parliamentary approval. But these moves are going to hurt the ruling party, including Uncle Kiir's chances of defending his seat, in the long run (probably 2015).
Public opinion is a major factor in Major political battles. Machar seems to be courting this lucrative factor at the moment, while Uncle Kiir and his handlers, through his recent actions (above), seems to be overestimating it. When the Parliament rejected the appointment of Hon. Telar Ring as Justice minister, its move was popularly touted as a win for the doctrine of separation of powers, moreso by President's acceptance of the Parliamentary decision.
Within two years of our independence, the doctrine of separation of powers has only been on the Paper (Transitional Constitution). Its practical application has been a mockery. Like Parliament, Judiciary has not been left to carry out its constitutional mandate without "long hands" of the executive hovering over its chambers. Pagan Amum case against The Citizen News Paper serves as an example of the lack of Judiciary independence from the executive. Pagan managed to use his influence (or that of his bosses) to win a defamation case against the News Paper company that had aired his alleged theft of 30+ millions dollars. The manner in which the verdict was reached was controversial, even made worst by conspicuous presence of the Chief Justice and President of the Judiciary Chan Reec Madut during the judgement delivery by the high court.

But what will put the regime in disrepute like President Roosevelt is not its manipulation of judicial processes (People are used to that), but the current intimidation of the Parliament which had won the hearts of majority of citizens in the manner it handled Telar's saga.
As they say, "history repeats itself," it is certainly going to repeat itself this time not in USA but in South Sudan, if the regime continues with this belief of "when one is popularly elected, his mandate supersedes that of other constitutional institutions and is bound to rule by his whims as opposed to ruling by the law of constitution!
LEARN FROM HISTORY AND FOLLOW THE RIGHT PATH!!!!!!!

Sunday 8 July 2012

WE STILL NEED TO GROW AS A NATION AND AS A PEOPLE!

First and foremost I would want to congratulate my fellow countrymen as we celebrate the 1st birthday of our nation. My absolute respect goes to the martyrs whose blood has cemented our national foundation. I partially appreciate the leadership of the country for their effort of stirring us thus far. Having been a university leader, I perfectly understand the hardship and sacrifices that are attached to leadership.
With all that ado, we still need to grow as a people and as a nation at large. As a people, we need to nurture an internal development within us; it is logical that when a human being goes for days without eating, his affinity to taking large volume of food whence he gets some will be extremely high. We have been subjected to starvation during the war, many went for days without food, many were captured and later escaped or released, many were psychologically broken down at the war-fronts....however, the suffering at our past should never serve as a license to glutinously grabbing public funds just to settle the historical poverty.
As a people, we need to change our combative approach to every circumstance. Our invasion of Heglig was a logically justified by Sudan's invasion of Abyei, but the world misunderstood it simply because there was not good diplomatic explanation of the same, leading to global criticism of the invasion. This calls for a need to ensure that all the ambassadors of RSS that are attached to our foreign embassies should always selected by the contents of the credentials and not the the contents of their first or last names, or where they come from. They should be men and women who are good "diplomatic wizards", men and women who are sober, articulate and eloquent in their every addresses. 
As a people we need to shun tribalism, I've been reading hate-speeches on web-pages such as sudantribune.com, all these are either ethnically aggravated or stems from an act of ignorance and mediocrity. A nuer should be able to view Dinka as his brother, Shiluk should view Nuer as a brother, Kakwa, Didinga,murle, Kachipo, Toposa, Murle, Maadi and other tribes should always be ready to share a meal as siblings. In essence we all need to break that mirror we used to view ourselves in terms of tribal affiliations and start embracing the mirror of national unity.For God's sake, lets develop as a people and re-embrace our traditional character of brother hood. Let's rediscover our distinguished culture of the late 1880s and be able to shape it in a civilised manner!
As a nation, we need to come together and fight corruption. I disagree with my beloved president on how he is dealing with the issue. Writing letters to the known corrupt officials will not help mitigate the vice, but prosecuting these officials will. Why did we have to take arms against the arabs instead of writing them letters if at all this approach was the best? look how fruitful the taking of arms has been....It is a high time the president sets a precedence and raise a bar higher by prosecuting these corrupt individuals.
As a nation, we need to improve and develop our institutions. An anti-corruption institution without prosecuting powers is just like a toothless bulldog. Same goes to the Judiciary that is not absolutely independent, as it will always be vulnerable to the manipulation of the executive and other powerful forces. A parliament that plays its role according the ranks, in army, of its members will always be run as an army, and that is why I total urge the government to let all the members of the parliament relinquish their military positions or honors conferred to them and become civilian members of the august house....this way the parliament could play its oversight role effectively.
Our institutions must be strong! The Central bank needs to liase with its regional counterparts to improve its rules and regulations. now is a high time that our currency should be avail at the foreign bureau exchanges. Kenyans, Ugandans, Tanzanians banks should be able to accept a transfer of money in a local currency in South Sudan as oppose to the current trend of compulsory dollars. Our students are suffering in the diaspora because of this absurdity and shortage of dollar in the South. The government need to make treaties with their neighbours and international players in respect of monetary exchange.
Last but not lease, we need to always be engaged in a constructive criticism of our government if we are to develop as a nation. The government on the other hand needs not to view these criticism as ambitious ploys to overthrow it. We have been witnessing so many political assassinations within this one year of independence what is going to happen in the next 10 years if this continues? Political tolerance should guide our leaders!

We still need to grow as a nation and as a people. This growth need our collective efforts and South Sudanese and then later the international community. This behaviour of crying all the time international community! international community! should be stopped. We have started walking and thus, we should start dealing with our issues as a competent nation!!!!!

God bless you all and God bless South Sudan.

Friday 2 December 2011

The Talk About Insecurity will not curb it in South Sudan

I was reading honorable Rumbe raising an issue of insecurity, within Juba and its surrounding, in the August House yesterday. He was purporting that the menace is caused my the clique of thugs he calls "Niggers". The term invoked two admixtures of memories in me: One of Dr. Martin Luther King's Struggle against the wind of racism, and funnily on the hand the one of the movie I once watched of the famous Kung-fu Actor Jackie Chan where he was punched in the face by a black guy for allegedly calling him a with that "N" word.
The funnier thing is that the right honorable was raising the issue in the house where they have failed to make laws that prevent illegal arm owners, laws that prevent illegal immigrant flowing into the "new" country day-in-day out, and the traffic laws. Seriously, dear Mr. Rumbe, who besides you and other law makers are going to make these laws?
Why are we eating at the expense of the matters of life? A country that has no Traffic laws, immigration Laws and laws regulating the possession of the illegal arms is only Somalia in Africa, and I can bet in the world. Now tell me some reasons why we should not be at the equilibrium on a weighing scale with Somalia?
We are traversing the globe looking for the investors, wasting a lot of resources in these campaigns, forgetting that all we need to do is just enact these legislation and attract such investors.
I want to make it clear that am not and will not be a politician, and so this prose should not be perceived as an ambitious criticism of the legislators....But truth be told, you are letting us down ladies and gentlemen....
Prove me wrong if I got it wrong and enact the aforesaid legislations  as soon as possible, and I will give you guys a standing ovation for the rest of my life!!!!!!!

Wednesday 7 September 2011

The Kenyan Legislature under Microscope


1.      Introduction

The legislature is one of the wings of government effected by the doctrine of “Separation of powers” alongside Executive and Judiciary and which derives its authority from the people as defined in the constitution.  Legislative authority is a law-making authority apportioned by the state’s constitution to the state’s legislature, and these laws made by the legislature are binding on the people within the state and on organs of the state[1] including the executive, thus imparting the jurisprudence of checks and balances within the government.
In Some countries like South Africa, the legislative authority[2] is not given to a single institution. It is instead divided up among three spheres of government__ national, provincial and local, which are interdependent in Co-operative Federalism.[3] The United States constitution vests this authority in a Congress of the United States, which consists of a Senate and House of Representatives[4], albeit the states’ legislatures play pivotal role in making laws that have jurisdiction within the boundaries of each state[5] . Conversely, the European Union legislative authority is vested in the European citizens and exercised by the European parliament, which jointly share the legislative power with the council of ministers in the matters concerning the annual budget of the E.U. In Germany, the trend continues with the legislative authority being divided between the Federation and Lander, with the later operating within the provisions of the Federal laws[6]. The Spanish system mounts this authority exclusively on Cortes Generales (Parliament) which represents the Spanish people and which is divided into the Congress and Senate[7].   The Kenyan situation, which is our focus in this chapter, sees the legislative authority shared between the national legislature and the devolved (County) legislatures[8], devoid of this, the national legislature retains its traditional role of making laws that enjoy the force of law within the country, while the county legislatures serve to implement the national laws and policies within their respective counties, with a little independence of making laws within their jurisdiction that must be in consistence with the constitution and the national legislation . In this vein, it will suffice to infer that the legislative authority is exercise variably across the globe as we shall see in the following discussion of the composition, structure and function of the Kenyan Legislature(s) both at the national and county tiers with a little comparative reference to the South African, American and the European Union Legislatures.
2. National Legislature

The national legislature is constituted by a parliament which is divided into two chambers— Senate and National Assembly. The legislative authority of the Republic is derived from the people and, at the national level, is vested in, and exercised by Parliament. Parliament manifests the diversity of the nation, represents the will of the people, and exercises their sovereignty.
As aforesaid, the parliament of the Kenya is bicameral, made up of the National Assembly which represents the people of the constituencies and their special interest at the national level[9]. On the other hand there is the Senate which represents the counties, and serves to protect the interests of the counties and their governments[10]. The onus of this arrangement is to enhance an efficient system of check and balances, as the two houses serve to limit and control the traditional powers usurped by the executive branch of government[11]. The re-emergence of the bicameralism in Kenya comes at the wake of the need to rectify the error made by the post-independent regimes in amending the independent constitution which had initially provided for the two houses of parliament__ the Senate and the House of representatives, with the former representing the people of the regions and the later being a correspondent of the current National Assembly. This amendment was brought about by the Seventh amendment[12] which was introduced in December 1966. The main effect of this amendment was the abolishment of the Senate. This entailed the merging of the two Houses of Parliament, and thus depreciation of transparency and equitability with regard to how the interests of the society were represented. The idea behind bicameralism is that the two houses of parliament representing different interests, will act as a check on one another[13]. The National Assembly is the dominant house between the two houses[14].
2.1 The structure, composition and Functions of Parliament

a)      National Assembly
The National Assembly is a democratically elected house of parliament which consists of the representatives of the people of the constituencies. It is, arguably, the epitome of democratic order in Kenya. It consists of 350 members in total. 290 members of the house are elected by the registered voters of single member constituencies[15], 47 seats are specially allotted to the women[16], each elected by the registered voters of the counties, each county constitutes a single member constituency thus contributes each woman[17]. Further, to enhance proportional representation, the constitution translates the number of votes obtained by a political party proportionately into a number of representatives for the party[18] and then gives these parties discretion of nominating 12 members, beside the elected, to the national assembly according to their proportion of elected members in the National Assembly[19]. Finally, one speaker, who is an ex-officio member, seals a 350-member National Assembly of Kenya. This number is far smaller than the one house by its France counterpart which houses up to 577.
The National Assembly is generally known for making the legislations, alongside the senate, that are binding on everybody within the country, but beyond this facet the National Assembly enjoys other exclusive roles in most countries of the world. In South Africa, for instance, the National Assembly ensures the government by the people by providing a national forum for public consideration of issues, by passing legislation and by scrutinizing and overseeing executive action; it is also mandated with a rare discretion of choosing the President[20]. As a rule, members of the executive are appointed from the National Assembly[21]; this is the point of departure from the Kenyan constitutional dispensation[22].  In Kenya, its role is to deliberate on and resolves issues of concern to the people of Kenya. Accordingly, the National Assembly: determines the allocation of national revenue between the levels of government; appropriates funds for expenditure by the national government and other national State organs; and exercises oversight over national revenue and its expenditure. It also reviews the conduct in the office of the President, the Deputy President and other State officers and initiates the process of removing them from office; It plays a public watchdog’s role by exercising oversight of State organs; Finally, its dominant stature over the Senate makes it the only house that can approve declarations of war and extensions of states of emergency.

b)      Senate
The Senate represents the counties, and serves to protect the interests of the counties and their governments. Among other things; the Senate participates in the law-making function of Parliament by considering, debating and approving Bills concerning counties. It also flexes its legislative muscles by determining the allocation of national revenue among counties and exercises oversight over national revenue allocated to the county governments. The peak of its legislative supremacy can be seen in its participation in the oversight of State officers by considering and determining any resolution to remove the President or Deputy President from office__ this is achieved through impeachment of the president or the deputy president. In the United state, the Senate, as one house of Congress, has the powers outlined in Article I, section 8 of the Constitution. The Senate has several exclusive powers that are also mentioned in Article One. The Senate must approve treaties with other nations; major appointments of the President, like ambassadors and members of the federal judiciary, must be approved by the Senate; the Senate acts as the jury in impeachment cases and to be removed from office, the impeached officer must be convicted by a two-thirds vote in the Senate. However, the approval roles at the national front are mostly taken by the National Assembly in Kenya, while the senate is left with the approval role of matters concerning the counties.
The fact that Kenya is currently divided into forty-seven counties, by default the membership of the Senate consists of: forty-seven members each elected by the registered voters of the counties, each county constituting a single member constituency; To mitigate a mode gender imbalance usually witnessed in the parliaments, the constitution is categorical in allotting sixteen women members, who shall be nominated by political parties according to their proportion of members of the Senate, to a have a representative share in the Senate. The youth are also recognized in the Senate as two seats are reserved to be filled by one man and one woman of their own to represent them. Another breakaway from the old constitutional dispensation is seen in the representation of the persons with disabilities in the Senate where two of them, one man and one woman, are allowed to represent their interest. The list of the members of the Senate is concluded by the speaker, who is an ex officio member.

2.2 Qualifications and disqualifications for election as Member of Parliament[23]
A person is eligible for election as a Member of Parliament if the person— is registered as a voter and satisfies any educational, moral and ethical requirements prescribed by the Constitution or by an Act of Parliament; and is nominated by a political party, or is an independent candidate who is supported––
(i) in the case of election to the National Assembly, by at least one thousand registered voters in the constituency; or
(ii) in the case of election to the Senate, by at least two thousand registered voters in the county.
Conversely, a person is disqualified from being elected as a Member of Parliament if the person—is a State officer or other public officer, other than a Member of Parliament; has, at any time within the five years immediately preceding the date of election, held office as a member of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission; or has not been a citizen of Kenya for at least the ten years immediately preceding the date of election; further, one can be ineligible if one is a member of a county assembly; or is of unsound mind, undischarged bankrupt; is subject to a sentence of imprisonment of at least six months, as at the date of registration as a candidate, or at the date of election; or is found, in accordance with any law, to have misused or abused a State office or public office or in any way to have contravened the constitutional chapter[24] on Leadership and Integrity. One thing remain uncertain though, there is nothing like Age specification for one to become a national legislator under new constitution unlike the prerequisite 21 years of the old order.

2.3 Vacation of office of Member of Parliament

The office of a Member of Parliament becomes vacant— if the member dies; or if, during any session of Parliament, the member is absent from eight sittings of the relevant House without permission, in writing, from the Speaker, and is unable to offer a satisfactory explanation for the absence to the relevant committee. Furthermore, the vacancy can occur if the member is otherwise removed from office upon contravention of the constitutional provisions on leadership and integrity as enshrined in Chapter six of the constitution. If a member resigns from Parliament in writing to the Speaker, either at the Senate or National Assembly, he ceases to be called an MP. Another ground for losing Parliamentary membership is when the member resigns or is deemed to have resigned from the party that sponsored him to the parliament, or if the member was an independent candidate when he joined the parliament but later decides to, and actually, joins a political party.  However, a natural termination of membership in parliament comes when the term of the relevant House ends, which is normally after the end of its fifth year.
If the vacancy occurs in the Senate or the National Assembly in either circumstance provided above, the speaker of the respective house shall notify in writing, within twenty one days, the Electoral body and the political party on whose party list the member was elected or nominated, then the by-election shall be conducted after ninety days, subject to alteration from the court, from the date of vacancy. The court has the power to extend the ninety days ultimatum if it has detected violation of the law with regard to the conduction of the not-yet-conducted by-election as was witnessed in the case of Republic v Returning Officer Kamukunji Constituency, Nairobi & another Ex-parte Simon Ng’ang’a Mbugua[25] .
2.4 The law-making procedures of Parliament

Exercise of legislative powers
The Parliament exercises its legislative power through Bills passed by Parliament and assented to by the President. Any Bill may originate in the National Assembly. A Bill not concerning county government is considered only in the National Assembly, while the Bill concerning county government may originate in the National Assembly or the Senate. Any member or committee of a relevant house parliament may introduce a Bill which, if passed, becomes legislation, but a money Bill can be introduced only in the National Assembly so long as it does not cover those not listed in the definition of “Money Bill”.[26]

Bills concerning county government
A “Bill concerning county government” means–– a Bill containing provisions affecting the functions and powers of the county governments set out in the Fourth Schedule; a Bill relating to the election of members of a county assembly or a county executive; and a Bill referred to in Chapter Twelve affecting the finances of county governments.
A Bill concerning county governments is–– a special Bill, which is considered under Article 111, if it–– relates to the election of members of a county assembly or a county executive; or is the annual County Allocation of Revenue Bill referred to in Article 218(b); or an ordinary Bill, which shall be considered under Article 112[27], in any other case. Before either House considers a Bill, the Speakers of the National Assembly and Senate shall jointly resolve any question as to whether it is a Bill concerning counties and, if it is, whether it is a special or an ordinary Bill.
When any Bill concerning county government has been passed by one House of Parliament, the Speaker of that House shall refer it to the Speaker of the other House. If both Houses pass the Bill in the same form, the Speaker of the House in which the Bill originated shall, within seven days, refer the Bill to the President for assent[28].

Special Bills concerning county governments
A special Bill concerning a county government is process in the same manner as an ordinary Bill concerning county government, subject to the law that the National Assembly may amend or veto a special Bill that has been passed by the Senate only by a resolution supported by at least two-thirds of the members of the Assembly, and if a resolution in the National Assembly to amend or veto a special Bill fails to pass, the Speaker of the Assembly shall, within seven days, refer the Bill, in the form adopted by the Senate, to the President for assent.

Ordinary Bills concerning county governments
If one House passes an ordinary Bill concerning counties, and the second House rejects the Bill, it shall be referred to a mediation committee appointed under Article 113, which stipulates the how the committee goes about its business; or passes the Bill in an amended form, it shall be referred back to the originating House for reconsideration. If, after the originating House has reconsidered a Bill referred back to it in an amended form, that House–– passes the Bill as amended, the Speaker of that House shall refer the Bill to the President within seven days for assent; or rejects the Bill as amended, the Bill shall be referred to a mediation committee established by article 113 of the basic law[29].
Mediation committees
Mediation committees serve the literal role of arbitrators in a situation where both houses are conflicting on a bill. If a Bill is referred to a mediation committee as aforesaid, the Speakers of both Houses are obliged to appoint a mediation committee consisting of equal numbers of members of each House to attempt to develop a version of the Bill that both Houses will pass. If the mediation committee agrees on a version of the Bill, each House shall vote to approve or reject that version of the Bill. Consequently, if both Houses approve the version of the Bill proposed by the mediation committee, the Speaker of the National Assembly shall refer the Bill to the President within seven days for assent. But if the mediation committee fails to agree on a version of the Bill within thirty days, or if a version proposed by the committee is rejected by either House, the Bill is defeated, meaning its procession comes to an end[30].

Money Bills
A “money Bill” means a Bill, other than a Bill specified in Article 218, that contains provisions dealing with— taxes; the imposition of charges on a public fund or the variation or repeal of any of those charges; the appropriation, receipt, custody, investment or issue of public money; the raising or guaranteeing of any loan or its repayment; Or matters incidental to any of those matters. “Tax”, “public money”, and “loan” do not include any tax, public money or loan raised by a county which they fall out of the jurisdiction of the National parliament.
A money Bill may not deal with any matter other than those listed in the definition of “a money Bill” above. If, in the opinion of the Speaker of the National Assembly, a motion makes provision for a matter listed in the definition of “a money Bill”, the Assembly may proceed only in accordance with the recommendation of the relevant Committee of the Assembly after taking into account the views of the Cabinet Secretary responsible for finance[31].
Presidential assent and referral
Within fourteen days after receipt of a Bill, the President shall— assent to the Bill; or refer the Bill back to Parliament for reconsideration by Parliament, noting any reservations that the President has concerning the Bill. If the President refers a Bill back for reconsideration,
Parliament may, following the appropriate procedures under this Part - amend the Bill in light of the President’s reservations; or pass the Bill a second time without amendment. If Parliament amends the Bill fully accommodating the President’s reservations, the appropriate Speaker shall resubmit it to the President for assent.
The Parliament, after considering the President’s reservations, may pass the Bill a second time, without amendment, or with amendments that do not fully accommodate the President’s reservations, by a vote supported— by two-thirds of members of the National Assembly; and two-thirds of the delegations in the Senate, if it is a Bill that requires the approval of the Senate. When the Parliament has passed a Bill in the manner above, the appropriate Speaker shall within seven days resubmit it to the President; and the President shall within seven days assent to the Bill. If the President does not assent to a Bill or refer it back within the period afore-prescribed, the Bill shall be taken to have been assented to on the expiry of that period[32].
Coming into force of laws
A Bill passed by Parliament and assented to by the President is published in the Gazette as an Act of Parliament within seven days after assent. An Act of Parliament, other than the Act that confers a direct pecuniary interest on the Members of Parliament, comes into force on the fourteenth day after its publication in the Gazette, unless the Act stipulates a different date on or time at which it will come into force.
 An Act of Parliament that confers a direct pecuniary interest on members of Parliament does not come into force until after the next general election of members of Parliament. However, this pecuniary interest does not apply to an interest that the Members of Parliament have as members of the public[33]. After publication in a Gazette, the enacted law effects its force of law which binds everyone within the Kenyan Territory.
2.5 Parliament’s general procedures and rules

2.5.1 Powers, privileges and immunities
The Parliamentarians enjoy an inalienable, but subject to good sense of decorum, freedom of speech and debate in Parliament as enshrined in the constitution. Consequently, for the purpose of the orderly and effective discharge of the business of Parliament, the parliament may provide for the powers, privileges and immunities of Parliament, its committees, the leader of the majority party, the leader of the minority party, the chairpersons of committees and members[34].
The Most important is privilege is the freedom of expression, which is essential for the proper functioning of parliament; the general rule that curbs any liability to any Member of the parliament for comment he or she made while in the line of his or her parliamentary duties ensure that members cannot be visited with adverse consequences, such as judicial proceedings, for exercising their privileges[35].
2.5.2 Public access and participation
Parliament is mandated to conduct its business in an open manner, and its sittings and those of its committees ought to be in public. It also has to facilitate public participation and involvement in the legislative and other business of Parliament and its committees. Parliament may not exclude the public, or any media, from any sitting unless in exceptional circumstances the relevant Speaker has determined that there are justifiable reasons for the exclusion. The Kenyan parliament sessions are nowadays broadcasted live by the media, an ingredient that was absent in the former constitutional recipe.

Right to petition Parliament
As articulated in article 119 of the constitution, every person has a right to petition Parliament to consider any matter within its authority, including enacting, amending or repealing any legislation.
The Parliament shall make provision for the procedure for the exercise of this right, otherwise left wide open in such a way, it would make it would, arguably, compromise the fundamental functions of the parliament and paralyze its supremacy.

Official languages of Parliament
The official languages of the Kenyan Parliament are Kiswahili, English and Kenyan Sign language, and the business of Parliament may be conducted in English, Kiswahili and Kenyan Sign language, (with sign language usually effected through an interpreter, who plays the role of conveying the session to a needy members of the public, specially, the blind). Nevertheless, in case of a conflict between different language versions of an Act of Parliament, the version signed by the President shall prevail[36].
Voting and Quorum in Parliament
The parliament is said to be in quorum if the number of the Members in the National Assembly and Senate reach a minimum of fifty and fifteen members respectively. In some jurisdiction, like South Africa, the simple majority rule takes precedent before a vote may be taken on a Bill or an amendment to a Bill[37].
Except as otherwise provided in the Constitution, any question proposed for decision in either House of Parliament shall be determined by a majority of the members in that House, present and voting. When a question is proposed for decision in either House, the Speaker has no vote; and  in the case of a tie, the question is lost, and no further decision shall be pursued on it, unless reintroduced if a need arise.
A member cannot vote on any question in which the member has a pecuniary interest. In reckoning the number of members of a House of Parliament for any purpose of voting in that House, the Speaker of that House shall not be counted as a member. The rationale of the majority requirement is that the decisions are considered valid if the majority of the members are present.

Decisions of Senate
On election, all the members of the Senate who were registered as voters in a particular county shall collectively constitute a single delegation for purposes of being allocated one vote to be cast on behalf of the county by the head of the county delegation or, in the absence of the head of the delegation, by another member of the delegation designated by the head of the delegation. The head of the delegation is a member elected by the all the registered voters of the county to represent the entire county in accordance with article 98(1) (a).
When the Senate is to vote on any matter other than a Bill, the Speaker shall rule on whether the matter affects or does not affect counties, if the matter does not affect counties, each senator has one vote. But if the Matter does affect the counties, each county delegation shall have one vote to be cast on behalf of the county by the head of the county delegation or, in the absence of the head of the delegation, by another member of the delegation designated by the head of the delegation; the person who votes on behalf of a delegation shall determine whether or not to vote in support of, or against, the matter, after consulting the other members of the delegation. The matter is carried only if it is supported by a majority of all the delegations[38].

Committees and Standing Orders
Each House of Parliament may establish committees, and shall make Standing Orders for the orderly conduct of its proceedings, including the proceedings of its committees.
Parliament may also establish joint committees consisting of members of both Houses and may jointly regulate the procedure of those committees. The proceedings of either House are not invalid just because of; a vacancy in its membership, or the presence or participation of any person not entitled to be present at, or to participate in, the proceedings of the House.
When a House of Parliament considers any appointment for which its approval is required under the Constitution or an Act of Parliament–– the appointment shall be considered by a committee of the relevant House, and before the finality of the appointment, the committee’s recommendation shall be tabled in the House for approval. To allow transparency, and taking into account the public interest, the proceedings of the committee and the House shall be in public[39].

Power to call for evidence

Either House of Parliament, or any of its committees, has power to summon any person to appear before it for the purpose of giving evidence or providing information.
For the this reason, a House of Parliament and any of its committees has the same powers as the High Court - to enforce the attendance of witnesses and examine them on oath, affirmation or otherwise to compel the production of documents and issue a commission or request to examine witnesses abroad.

Parliamentary Service Commission

There is established the Parliamentary Service Commission, which consists of the Speaker of the National Assembly, as chairperson, a vice-chairperson elected by the Commission from the seven members appointed to the commission by Parliament. Four of these seven members are nominated equally from both Houses by the party or coalition of parties forming the national government, of whom two must be women. The other remaining three are nominated by parties not forming the national government, at least one of whom shall be nominated from each House and at least one of shall be a woman. Then there is another one man and one woman appointed by the parliament from among persons who are experience in public affairs, but are not members of Parliament. The Clerk of the Senate becomes the Secretary to the Commission.
The constitution is so categorical in providing the grounds a member of the Commission can vacate office, which are; if the person is a Member of Parliament— at the end of the term of the House of which the person is a member; or if the person ceases to be a member of
Parliament, if the person is an appointed member, on revocation of the person’s appointment by Parliament.
The Commission is responsible for providing services and facilities to ensure the efficient and effective functioning of Parliament. It is also involved in constituting offices in the parliamentary service, and appointing and supervising office holders, preparing annual estimates of expenditure of the parliamentary service and submitting them to the National Assembly for approval, and exercising budgetary control over the service. Furthermore, it undertakes, singly or jointly with other relevant organizations, programmes to promote the ideals of parliamentary democracy. The national legislation can confer onto the commission other functions necessary for the well-being of the members and staff of Parliament[40].

Clerks and staff of Parliament
The constitution, in article 128, establishes a office of the Clerk for each House of Parliament, appointed by the Parliamentary Service Commission with the approval of the relevant House. The offices of the Clerks and offices of members of the staff of the Clerks shall be offices in the Parliamentary Service. The clerk plays fundamental roles in the parliament, which includes; Management of the Legislative Assembly, providing policy, procedural and corporate management advice to the speaker, advising ministers and members on matters relating to operation of the Legislative Assembly and its committee. He also plays a secretarial role of recording decisions and proceedings of the Legislative Assembly, and ensures legislation is passed in accordance with legislative and procedural requirement. He is a member of the parliamentary Executive group. In Australia, the clerk acts as an honorary secretary of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association[41].

3. County Legislatures

The legislative authority of a county is vested in, and exercised by, its county assembly. A county assembly may make any laws that are necessary for or incidental to, the effective performance of the functions and exercise of the powers of the county government under the Fourth Schedule. While respecting the principle of separation of powers, a county assembly may exercise oversight over the county executive committee and any other county executive organs. A county assembly may receive and approve plans and policies for the management and exploitation of the county’s resources; and the development and management of its infrastructure and institutions


3.1 Structure and composition of the County Assemblies
A county assembly consists of the members elected by the registered voters of the wards, each ward constituting a single member constituency. In addition, it has the number of special seat members necessary to ensure that no more than two-thirds of the membership of the assembly is of the same gender. For the purpose of equitable representation, the number of members of marginalised groups, including persons with disabilities and the youth, prescribed by an Act of Parliament are considered and allotted seats. Just like the national legislature, the county assembly has a Speaker, who is an ex officio member, and who chairs the proceedings of the assembly. Each county assembly has a speaker elected by the county assembly from among persons who are not members of the assembly.
A sitting of the county assembly is presided over by the speaker of the assembly; or in the absence of the speaker, another member of the assembly elected by the assembly.



3.2 Qualifications for election as member of county assembly

A person is eligible for election as a member of a county assembly if the person:
(a)    is a registered voter;
(b)   satisfies any educational, moral and ethical requirements prescribed by the Constitution or an Act of Parliament; and
(c)    is either—
(i)                  nominated by a political party; or
(ii)                an independent candidate supported by at least five hundred registered voters in the ward concerned.
A person is disqualified from being elected a member of a county assembly if the person:
(a) is a State officer or other public officer, other than a member of the county assembly;
(b) has, at any time within the five years immediately before the date of election, held office as a member of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission;
(c) has not been a citizen of Kenya for at least the ten years immediately preceding the date of election;
(d) is of unsound mind;
(e) is an undischarged bankrupt;
(f) is serving a sentence of imprisonment of at least six months; or
(g) has been found, in accordance with any law, to have misused or abused a State office or public office or to have contravened Chapter Six of the Constitution.

3.3 Vacation of office of member of county assembly
The office of a member of a county assembly becomes vacant— when the member dies, or if the member is absent from eight sittings of the assembly without permission, in writing, of the speaker of the assembly, and is unable to offer satisfactory explanation for the absence; if the member is removed from office under Constitution or legislation on leadership authorized by the constitution. Furthermore, the seat becomes vacant if the member resigns in writing addressed to the speaker of the assembly, or if, having been elected to the assembly–– as a member of a political party, the member resigns from the party, or is deemed to have resigned from the party as determined in accordance with the legislation contemplated in a legislation concerning leadership stated above.
If a member was an independent candidate, but subsequently joins a political party before the terms of the assembly reaches a terminal, he loses his seat as a member of the county assembly; this rule serves to sever political fairness and act as a road block to selfish manipulation of a citizenry rights to political representation, since a member would shift his stance to that of a party that suits his political ambitions rather than his constituents’ interests. More so, natural lifespan of a member’s term is directly proportional to that the county assembly; devoid of the above grounds on the vacation of a seat, a member seat becomes vacant by default when the term of the assembly ends. The constitution gives the parliament discretion to enact a legislation providing for circumstance, for purpose of determining when a member of a political party shall be deemed to have resigned from the party before his seat is pronounce vacant[42].


3.4 Legislative authority of county assemblies 
The legislative authority of a county is vested in, and exercised by, its county assembly.
A county assembly may make any laws that are necessary for, or incidental to, the effective performance of the functions and exercise of the powers of the county government under the conferred to it by the constitution[43].
A county assembly, while respecting the principle of the separation of powers, may exercise oversight over the county executive committee and any other county executive organs.
A county assembly may receive and approve plans and policies for  the management and exploitation of the county’s resources; and the development and management of its infrastructure and institutions[44].

3.5 County assemblies’ general procedures, powers, privileges and immunities

County assembly power to summon witnesses
A county assembly or any of its committees has power to summon any person to appear before it for the purpose of giving evidence or providing information. The county assemblies has the same powers as the High Court to— enforce the attendance of witnesses and examining them on oath, affirmation or otherwise compel the production of documents; and issue a commission or request to examine witnesses abroad[45].

Public participation and county assembly powers, privileges and immunities
A county assembly conducts its business in an open manner, and holds its sittings and those of its committees, in public and facilitates public participation and involvement in the legislative and other business of the assembly and its committees. It may not exclude the public, or any media, from any sitting unless in exceptional circumstances the speaker has determined that there are justifiable reasons for doing so. The rationale here is to ensure fair and transparent running and management of the county by the elites elected to the county government and its assembly. 
The national Parliament shall enact legislation providing for the powers, privileges and immunities of county assemblies, their committees and members[46].
County assembly gender balance and diversity
The constitution is so articulate in its intent to shun gender imbalance in the county assembly, for this purpose, not more than two-thirds of the members of any county assembly or county executive committee shall be of the same gender. It gives the national Parliament an authority to enact legislation to ensure that the community and cultural diversity of a county is reflected in its county assembly and county executive committee; and prescribes mechanisms to protect minorities within counties[47].

County government during transition
During an election to constitute a county assembly, administrative vacuum is mitigated by letting the executive committee of the county, as last constituted remains competent to perform administrative functions until a new executive committee is constituted after the election[48]. This committee consists of the county governor, deputy governor and the county council of ministers.

Publication of county legislation
County legislation does not take effect unless published in the Gazette. National and county legislation may prescribe additional requirements in respect of the publication of county legislation[49].


4. Conflict of laws
The constitution provides that, in case  of a legal conflict of laws between national and county legislation in respect of matters falling within the concurrent jurisdiction of both levels of government, the National legislation prevails over county legislation if—  
·        the national legislation applies uniformly throughout Kenya[50].
·        the national legislation is aimed at preventing unreasonable action by a county that— is prejudicial to the economic, health or security interests of Kenya or another county; or impedes the implementation of national economic policy.
·         County legislation prevails over national legislation if neither of the circumstances contemplated in the second bullet-number above apply.
·        In considering an apparent conflict between legislation of different levels of government, a court shall prefer a reasonable interpretation of the legislation that avoids a conflict to an alternative interpretation that results in conflict.
·        A decision by a court that a provision of legislation of one level of government prevails over a provision of legislation of another level of government does not invalidate the other provision, but the other provision is inoperative to the extent of the inconsistency.

























[1] Currie I. & Waal de J. The New Constitutional and Administrative Law. Vol 1 (2001) 130
[2] Authority to make laws that have the force of law within the country
[3] See fn.1 above
[4]  See Article 1 of the United States Constitution
[5] The United States have 50 states that have their respective government with three branches: Legislature, Executive and Judiciary. The legislative branch, like the federal legislature, makes laws that have a force of law within the state e.g the Arizona State legislature.
[6] Article 71 of the German Constitution.
[7]  Section 66 of the Spanish Constitution.
[8] The new constitution of Kenya alias “The Uhuru Park Constitution” or “2010 Constitution”  provides for a devolve arrangement which has seen Kenya divided into 47 counties each with a county executive council and a law-making legislature which is a correspondent of a national legislature within the counties.
[9] Article 95 (1)
[10] Article 96 (1)
[11] The two houses of parliament, under the new constitution, play crucial role in exercising “dual” oversight of state officers including the executive branch of government, unlike a single parliament which was regularly vulnerable to the manipulation of the executive.
[12]The Independence Constitution was amended severally prior to its repeal on 27 August 2010
[13] See fn. 1 p.133
[14] The dominant nature of the National Assembly can be inferred from various reasons, one of them being that the constitution gives National Assembly a prestige of getting t firstly table most of the Bills. Secondly, it is the only house which is mandated to approve the declaration of the war and extension of the state of emergency.
[15] Article 97(a)
[16] This does not preclude the women from contesting the other seats. This is seen by many, as a move to correct the traditional gender-imbalance that had engulfed not only Kenyan parliament, but most of the African states since post-colonialism. But the question remains as; what will happen if the women dominate the other seats beside their special seats, will the constitution be amended to create other special seats for men to enhance gender balance? Perhaps the natural agility of a man to dominate might prevent this from happening, but how certain can this assumption be?
[17] Article 97(b)
[18] See fn. 1 p.135
[19] Article 97(c)
[20] See Section 42(3) of the South African Constitution
[21] See fn 1 p 131
[22] The President in the Kenya is elected by the country’s voters in the General election where a candidate with 51% votes takes the presidency and his running-mate automatically becomes the country’s Deputy President. Conversely, the old order of appointing the cabinet ministers from among the Members of Parliament has come to an end with the new constitution’s provisions that calls for the government to appoint the cabinet of not less than 14 and not more than 22 secretaries from outside the National Assembly.
[23] Article 99 of the Kenyan Constitution
[24] Chapter Six of the Kenyan Constitution of 2010
[25][ 2008] eKLR
[26]  “a money Bill” means a Bill, other than a Bill specified in Article 218 concerning Division of Revenue or County Allocation of Revenue, that contains provisions dealing with—) taxes; the imposition of charges on a public fund or the variation or repeal of any of those charges; the appropriation, receipt, custody, investment or issue of public money; the raising or guaranteeing of any loan or its repayment; or matters incidental to any of those matters.

[27]If one House passes an ordinary Bill concerning counties, and the second House––  rejects the Bill, it shall be referred to a mediation committee appointed under Article 113; or passes the Bill in an amended form, it shall be referred back to the originating House for reconsideration. If, after the originating House has reconsidered a Bill referred back to it under clause (1) (b), that House–– passes the Bill as amended, the Speaker of that House shall refer the Bill to the President within seven days for assent; or rejects the Bill as amended, the Bill shall be referred to a mediation committee under Article 113.
[28] Article 110  of the Kenyan Constitution
[29] Article 112 of the Kenyan Constitution
[30] Article 113 of the Kenyan Constitution
[31] Article 114
[32] Article 115
[33] Article 116
[34] Article 117
[35][35] C Murray & F Soltau Report on Powers and Privileges of Parliament (January 1999) 9 and 42ff
[36] Article 120
[37] Section 120 of the South African Constitution
[38] Article 123
[39] Article 124
[40] Article 127
[41] www.parliament.gov.au/assembly/members-a-staff/staff
[42] Article 193
[43] In the Fourth Schedule which touch on Agriculture, County health services, cultural activities, fire fighting services among others.
[44] Article 185
[45] Article 195
[46] Article 196
[47] Article 197
[48] Article 198
[49] Article 199